After five months of intense fighting, the Sri Lankan Army captured the last LTTE stronghold in the East – the Thoppigala jungle base in Batticaloa – leaving the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) without any eastern territory for the first time since the 1990s. A major victory celebration with military parades and air shows in Colombo followed. The emphasis in the entire ceremony and in the President’s speech was on military victory and defeat of the LTTE. Considering the death and destruction that took place to capture the area, not everyone was celebrating and many expressed disappointment. The Anglican Bishop of Colombo, Duleep de Chickera, said “We respond to war best by striving to end war, and we respect those who engage and die in war best by ensuring that more lives are not lost”.
The president also mentioned in his speech that the reason for the war is to bring security and democracy by getting rid of the LTTE which has been banned internationally on account of its terrorist practices. After losing its grip in the east, the Tigers say they now will attack major economic and military targets in a bid to cripple the economy and restore what they call the balance of power. The Rajapaksa government has vowed to hold local government elections in the east by the end of the year and try to win hearts and minds by rapidly developing the impoverished region – calling it ‘eastern rising’. However, the displacement of tens of thousands people and the continued presence of armed paramilitary groups such as the Karuna group make many observers raise concerns about these plans. So far, the eastern province is devastated and it is even impossible to assess the total damage.
Despite government claims that it is in control of the East, child recruitment continues and people live in constant fear. Disturbing reports of serious violations begin to emerge from the so-called newly ‘cleared’ areas where thousands of people have been resettled. But without access to these areas and total impunity, ordinary citizens are denied the dignity of the basic human needs/rights.
More people begin to question the role of the Karuna faction. Several army commanders have publicly stated that the Karuna group will need to be disarmed, a demand that the UN also made recently. However, this may not as simple and despite its intentions to move towards more democratic processes, Karuna has indicated he has no interest in giving up his guns.
The criticism at the address of the government by international actors is not well received these days. During a recent high level UN mission, Sir John Holmes, U.N. Under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, called Sri Lanka one of the most difficult and dangerous countries for humanitarian workers to work in. Despite the high number of aid workers being killed since the resumption of the war in 2006 (41 according to some statistics), soon after Holmes’ departure, the government rejected his comments and a state newspaper called him a liar. Similarly, it attacked a speech on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) by Gareth Evans, Director of the prominent International Crisis Group, suggesting that Sri Lanka could easily become a “R2P” situation (i.e. war crimes and crimes against humanity), whereby the international community has a responsibility to take notice and possibly intervene. Also rebuffed is the latest HRW report, “Return to War: Human Rights Under Siege” that gives details to what extent the Sri Lankan government committed a wide array of human rights abuses in its fight against the LTTE, illegally detaining some opponents, secretly abducting others and waging battles with little regard for the safety of civilians.
Not only international actors have demonstrated their concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation in Sri Lanka. Local human rights groups accuse the government of summarily executing hundreds of people suspected of having links with insurgents. The government denies the charge. This month, nearly 100,000 people joined the opposition and marched through Colombo in an anti-government protest, calling for new elections and swift action against human rights violations and alleged corruption.
Meanwhile, Sri Lankan fighter jets pounded Tamil Tiger rebel positions in the northern part of the country with battles in Mannar erupted. This may not affect many ordinary citizens in the South. However, they feel another consequence of war, namely the rising cost of living (milk powder, fuel and other basic products).
Obviously, these developments also affect the Nonviolent Peaceforce. In addition to the war moving northwards, the control over (I)NGOs is increasingly worrisome. This month, the Sri Lanka military in the East ordered regional authorities to "supervise" all development work by NGOs in the region. Such control in practice means handing over details about the activities and staff and going through unreasonable administrative proceedings to obtain recommendations for visas and work permits.
As said, the most significant event in July in the East was the fall of Thoppigala. The government claims it is now in full control of the east and therefore fully accountable what happens in this area. Our teams, however, continue to receive the same requests for assistance such as safe places but it is now in a better position to seek the redress with the local and district authorities.
The work of NP
Although mobile phone coverage is back up indicating a slight change towards normalcy, strangely enough, the situation in many parts of the east such as Valaichchenai has become more insecure. Clashes between EPDP and TMVP, TMVP and Muslim groups, potentially leading to increased tensions and violence between Tamils and Muslims, are of great concern. Although one boy had been released after an appeal by NP to the TMVP in Colombo, at the local level armed Karuna gangs are showing their full muscle and actually have stepped up the recruitment of children. In one incident a boy ran into one of the NP offices seeking safety from his followers. A short stand off took place in the office but was resolved when NP staff called the head of the armed group who instructed his men to leave. It shows that our efforts to seek the dialogue with armed groups can create a level of understanding.
A large family gathering took place in one of our offices in July (34 families). There was an increased realization among the participants that they are responsible for their own security. There also seems to be a gradual shift in the attitude to support each other. One option that had been discussed was to engage collectively with the police. The teams followed up on the identification of safe places and were able to secure several of them. NP supported families with travel either through accompaniments or by giving cash for transportation. It also continued to monitor the resettlement of IDPs.
In Trincomalee, the team has started a new relationship with a grassroots peace and child rights organization. Like the peace committees in the district, such organizations gradually are becoming active but need a lot of confidence building. They realize that peace and nonviolence can only be accomplished by themselves and not in Colombo. NPSL and its local HR partners are able to meet the request by the peace structures for trainings which will increase their confidence to support the community. With the support of NP Japan and the Niwano foundation, NP has set up a PC committee (re)activation fund with a focus on HR capacity development. NP’s supporting role to both peace committees and the local HR and capacity building partners creates a win-win situation.
Because the peace committees hold a representative of the police, there is automatic ‘buy in’ from the authorities. A meeting between NP and the police led to the gathering of two large peace committee meetings, one with 85 civilians and 30 police officers. As always, the interaction with the police needs to be carefully balanced, both for NP and for civilians as some groups may not be so excited about the relationships that are being built. Spoilers are a regular phenomenon in an area such as Trincomlee where all different ethnic groups are living. The team in Trincomalee is frequently going to the Mutur area and stays there overnight. This allows the team to cover a greater area including those that NP used to work in but only recently has been able to access. Some of the ‘old’ contacts are pleased to see that NP is back in their communities.
In Jaffna the security situation significantly worsened. The number of violent deaths increased by 50% compared to the month before. Because of the pressure and threats several of the human rights defenders who NP accompanied in their work over the last eight months were forced to leave the district. People in Jaffna who are required to report to SLA disappear without a trace. The Jaffna team is responding to roundups by the army through its emergency response mechanism. By being immediately on the spot when such roundups occur it acts as a deterrent for potential wrongdoings.
In this context, the team is reviewing its approach on human rights work together with its local and international partners. The focus on human rights issues increases the chances of being perceived as partisan. One thing is clear, there is a need to strengthen the communities to cope with the current situation which most likely will get worse. Some of the most vulnerable communities in Point Pedro received specific attention by NP. In addition, NP continues to monitor the IDPs of Allaipiddy. It has received an official request by the local authorities to accompany those IDPs who wish to return back home in a safe manner.
The Colombo Response Team has proven to be a crucial link with the other field sites in the north and east. Through this operational team in Colombo, NP has been able to accompany several persons under threat in the north and link them with institutions in Colombo. It has been able to raise specific issues that come from the field such as abuse in IDP camps in the east. The CRT has opened some new channels, e.g. the Human Rights Commission in Colombo. The team is beginning to consolidate its presence in Colombo especially with the arrival of a second FTM in addition to the Field officer who was transferred from Jaffna.
At the end of July, NPSL carried out a review of its work and made a start of building the strategy for the coming year. It also reviewed several positions such as the Team Coordinator and District Support Coordinator. On the basis of such a review a new structure is gradually evolving with more targeted support to the field sites and a greater role for coordinators in terms the development and implementation of the field programme and work plans. NPSL put in place five Programme Coordinators who will lead the teams in the coordination and quality control of work and is responsible for analyzing the performance of the work in relation to the stated objectives and shared priorities. NPSL also welcomes the new Communication Manager, Niruban.
Report written by Marcel Smits (Project Director) and Christine Schweitzer (Programme Director)