Sri Lanka

General situation
After five months of intense fighting, the Sri Lankan Army captured the last LTTE stronghold in the East – the Thoppigala jungle base in Batticaloa – leaving the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) without any eastern territory for the first time since the 1990s. A major victory celebration with military parades and air shows in Colombo followed. The emphasis in the entire ceremony and in the President’s speech was on military victory and defeat of the LTTE. Considering the death and destruction that took place to capture the area, not everyone was celebrating and many expressed disappointment. The Anglican Bishop of Colombo, Duleep de Chickera, said “We respond to war best by striving to end war, and we respect those who engage and die in war best by ensuring that more lives are not lost”.

The president also mentioned in his speech that the reason for the war is to bring security and democracy by getting rid of the LTTE which has been banned internationally on account of its terrorist practices. After losing its grip in the east, the Tigers say they now will attack major economic and military targets in a bid to cripple the economy and restore what they call the balance of power. The Rajapaksa government has vowed to hold local government elections in the east by the end of the year and try to win hearts and minds by rapidly developing the impoverished region – calling it ‘eastern rising’. However, the displacement of tens of thousands people and the continued presence of armed paramilitary groups such as the Karuna group make many observers raise concerns about these plans. So far, the eastern province is devastated and it is even impossible to assess the total damage.

Despite government claims that it is in control of the East, child recruitment continues and people live in constant fear. Disturbing reports of serious violations begin to emerge from the so-called newly ‘cleared’ areas where thousands of people have been resettled. But without access to these areas and total impunity, ordinary citizens are denied the dignity of the basic human needs/rights.

More people begin to question the role of the Karuna faction. Several army commanders have publicly stated that the Karuna group will need to be disarmed, a demand that the UN also made recently. However, this may not as simple and despite its intentions to move towards more democratic processes, Karuna has indicated he has no interest in giving up his guns.

The criticism at the address of the government by international actors is not well received these days. During a recent high level UN mission, Sir John Holmes, U.N. Under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, called Sri Lanka one of the most difficult and dangerous countries for humanitarian workers to work in. Despite the high number of aid workers being killed since the resumption of the war in 2006 (41 according to some statistics), soon after Holmes’ departure, the government rejected his comments and a state newspaper called him a liar. Similarly, it attacked a speech on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) by Gareth Evans, Director of the prominent International Crisis Group, suggesting that Sri Lanka could easily become a “R2P” situation (i.e. war crimes and crimes against humanity), whereby the international community has a responsibility to take notice and possibly intervene. Also rebuffed is the latest HRW report, “Return to War: Human Rights Under Siege” that gives details to what extent the Sri Lankan government committed a wide array of human rights abuses in its fight against the LTTE, illegally detaining some opponents, secretly abducting others and waging battles with little regard for the safety of civilians.

Not only international actors have demonstrated their concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation in Sri Lanka. Local human rights groups accuse the government of summarily executing hundreds of people suspected of having links with insurgents. The government denies the charge. This month, nearly 100,000 people joined the opposition and marched through Colombo in an anti-government protest, calling for new elections and swift action against human rights violations and alleged corruption.

Meanwhile, Sri Lankan fighter jets pounded Tamil Tiger rebel positions in the northern part of the country with battles in Mannar erupted. This may not affect many ordinary citizens in the South. However, they feel another consequence of war, namely the rising cost of living (milk powder, fuel and other basic products).

Obviously, these developments also affect the Nonviolent Peaceforce. In addition to the war moving northwards, the control over (I)NGOs is increasingly worrisome. This month, the Sri Lanka military in the East ordered regional authorities to "supervise" all development work by NGOs in the region. Such control in practice means handing over details about the activities and staff and going through unreasonable administrative proceedings to obtain recommendations for visas and work permits.

As said, the most significant event in July in the East was the fall of Thoppigala. The government claims it is now in full control of the east and therefore fully accountable what happens in this area. Our teams, however, continue to receive the same requests for assistance such as safe places but it is now in a better position to seek the redress with the local and district authorities.

The work of NP
Although mobile phone coverage is back up indicating a slight change towards normalcy, strangely enough, the situation in many parts of the east such as Valaichchenai has become more insecure. Clashes between EPDP and TMVP, TMVP and Muslim groups, potentially leading to increased tensions and violence between Tamils and Muslims, are of great concern. Although one boy had been released after an appeal by NP to the TMVP in Colombo, at the local level armed Karuna gangs are showing their full muscle and actually have stepped up the recruitment of children. In one incident a boy ran into one of the NP offices seeking safety from his followers. A short stand off took place in the office but was resolved when NP staff called the head of the armed group who instructed his men to leave. It shows that our efforts to seek the dialogue with armed groups can create a level of understanding.

A large family gathering took place in one of our offices in July (34 families). There was an increased realization among the participants that they are responsible for their own security. There also seems to be a gradual shift in the attitude to support each other. One option that had been discussed was to engage collectively with the police. The teams followed up on the identification of safe places and were able to secure several of them. NP supported families with travel either through accompaniments or by giving cash for transportation. It also continued to monitor the resettlement of IDPs.

In Trincomalee, the team has started a new relationship with a grassroots peace and child rights organization. Like the peace committees in the district, such organizations gradually are becoming active but need a lot of confidence building. They realize that peace and nonviolence can only be accomplished by themselves and not in Colombo. NPSL and its local HR partners are able to meet the request by the peace structures for trainings which will increase their confidence to support the community. With the support of NP Japan and the Niwano foundation, NP has set up a PC committee (re)activation fund with a focus on HR capacity development. NP’s supporting role to both peace committees and the local HR and capacity building partners creates a win-win situation.

Because the peace committees hold a representative of the police, there is automatic ‘buy in’ from the authorities. A meeting between NP and the police led to the gathering of two large peace committee meetings, one with 85 civilians and 30 police officers. As always, the interaction with the police needs to be carefully balanced, both for NP and for civilians as some groups may not be so excited about the relationships that are being built. Spoilers are a regular phenomenon in an area such as Trincomlee where all different ethnic groups are living. The team in Trincomalee is frequently going to the Mutur area and stays there overnight. This allows the team to cover a greater area including those that NP used to work in but only recently has been able to access. Some of the ‘old’ contacts are pleased to see that NP is back in their communities.

In Jaffna the security situation significantly worsened. The number of violent deaths increased by 50% compared to the month before. Because of the pressure and threats several of the human rights defenders who NP accompanied in their work over the last eight months were forced to leave the district. People in Jaffna who are required to report to SLA disappear without a trace. The Jaffna team is responding to roundups by the army through its emergency response mechanism. By being immediately on the spot when such roundups occur it acts as a deterrent for potential wrongdoings.

In this context, the team is reviewing its approach on human rights work together with its local and international partners. The focus on human rights issues increases the chances of being perceived as partisan. One thing is clear, there is a need to strengthen the communities to cope with the current situation which most likely will get worse. Some of the most vulnerable communities in Point Pedro received specific attention by NP. In addition, NP continues to monitor the IDPs of Allaipiddy. It has received an official request by the local authorities to accompany those IDPs who wish to return back home in a safe manner.

The Colombo Response Team has proven to be a crucial link with the other field sites in the north and east. Through this operational team in Colombo, NP has been able to accompany several persons under threat in the north and link them with institutions in Colombo. It has been able to raise specific issues that come from the field such as abuse in IDP camps in the east. The CRT has opened some new channels, e.g. the Human Rights Commission in Colombo. The team is beginning to consolidate its presence in Colombo especially with the arrival of a second FTM in addition to the Field officer who was transferred from Jaffna.

At the end of July, NPSL carried out a review of its work and made a start of building the strategy for the coming year. It also reviewed several positions such as the Team Coordinator and District Support Coordinator. On the basis of such a review a new structure is gradually evolving with more targeted support to the field sites and a greater role for coordinators in terms the development and implementation of the field programme and work plans. NPSL put in place five Programme Coordinators who will lead the teams in the coordination and quality control of work and is responsible for analyzing the performance of the work in relation to the stated objectives and shared priorities. NPSL also welcomes the new Communication Manager, Niruban.

Philippines- Mindanao

General situation
The civil society organizations and ceasefire mechanism structure of Government Republic of Philippines (GRP) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) have played a very instrumental and pivotal role in preventing a war like situation between the Armed Forces of Philippines and Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (BIAF) of MILF. The fire fight took place between Marines and BIAF in Albaraka, Basilan when following a false lead Marines entered MILF area without prior coordination with Local Government Unit (LGU) and MILF to track down the kidnappers of Italian priest Father Bossi.

The volatile situation in Basilan seriously aggravated with the decapitation of the dead bodies of marines of Armed Forces of Philippines and a Muslim Imam. The increase and visible movement of AFP and MILF forces in Basilan as well as in critical areas in mainland Mindanao caused much fear among the residents, local governmental officials, the ceasefire mechanism structure, civil society organizations and international community. The Italian priest, Father Bossi, who was kidnapped in June in Zamboanga Sibugay province was released few days after the July 10 Basilan incident.

A joint fact finding committee comprised of representatives from the “GRP – MILF Coordination Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities” and Bantay Ceasefire produced a joint fact finding report and identified 10 Abu Sayyaf Group bandits behind the mutilation of the dead bodies of marines. The report strongly endorsed the immediate establishment of Joint Assistance Monitoring Team (JMAT) structure in Basilan to maintain ceasefire and further prevent the outbreak of violence.

The proactive civil society organizations (CSOs) of Mindanao vehemently condemned the July 10 Basilan incident and exerted joint efforts to save the peace process. CSOs produced series of press statement urging both parties to exercise maximum restraints and resolve Basilan crisis through dialogue and other peaceful means.

In Sulu, the Philippine Army is still hunting down ‘Armed Lawless Groups’ as well as what it considers to be “loose commanders” of the MNLF. As the situation is yet to settle down, there are rumours that formal military operations could be launched.

GRP officially enacted the Human Security Act (HSA) in July that generated immense fear among Human Rights groups and CSOs. Majority of CSOs in Mindanao criticised the HSA and categorically asked GRP to review those clauses of HSA that curb the fundamental rights of civilians.

NP’s Work

Main Office and Sulu Team
The Cotabato Main Office continued to support the ICP field teams by offering advice on day-to-day basis. This included all the programmatic aspects, with a special emphasis on ways to build constructive relationships with stakeholders on the ground. Main Office staff spent considerable time in the field sites to guide the ICPs in their initial steps.

The Main office and ICP from Sulu team participated in a conference on Self Determination in Manila organized by one of the Advisory Board member. During and after the conference, team met key official from Department of National Defence, National Security Council, and Representatives of Civil Society Organizations from Mindanao. The team visited the offices of European Commission, German Embassy, Asia Foundation and discussed areas of collaboration. It also made follow-ups with other potential donors and gave them relevant updates from the field sites.

To facilitate the work of both field sites, the Main Office had detailed meetings with various top-level arms of the Government of Philippines and the two revolutionary groups. These included the GRP and MILF Coordination Committees on Cessation of Hostilities (CCCH), the MNLF political leadership, and relevant Mayors. The Main office met the mayor of Datu Saudi Municipality, Maguindanao and got his approval to put up NP Central Mindanao field office in Datu Saudi Municipality.

The Main office and Sulu team participated in an emergency called meeting of Mindanao Peace Weavers (MPW) in Davao to discuss the vulnerable situation in Basilan and devise proactive nonviolent responsive strategy. On the recommendation of MPW, NP shared and disseminated CSO statements on Basilan issue with NP international and its Member Organizations. On the request of Partners, NP concurred with the idea to maintain regular and random presence in Basilan and to consolidate the peace initiatives of Basilan-based local civil society.

The Project Director and Communication Officer along with Sulu team held consultations with number of partners before moving to Basilan. NP team attended a Press Conference in Zamboanga city organized by the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS) and met local CSOs representatives from Basilan. The NP team reached Basilan on 23rd of July with the objectives to maintain international conscious presence; consolidate efforts of Basilan based partner CSOs to resolve the Basilan crisis through peaceful means; and, provide latest updates from the ground to national and international I/NGOs and IOs.

CBCS Basilan Chapter introduced the NP team to local authorities like mayors, Barangay Captains, Municipal Councillors, Community Based Organizations and conflict affected communities. The NP team established daily contacts with the Commander of Task Force Thunder in Basilan and provided regular updates to GRP – MILF CCCH. Along with local partners the team visited evacuees’ camps especially those that are isolated and situated close to the conflict affected ghost areas. The team relayed the genuine concerns of evacuees to relevant civilian/military authorities and CSOs. It paid continuous visits to the communities who were ready to leave their respective barangays in case of eruption of fight between GRP & MILF forces. And it actively participated in a series of Basilan-based CSO meetings to devise strategies and action plan regarding civilian protection and other human security issues.

The NP team accompanied the Peace Rally/Caravan organized by members of the CSOs to TipoTipo municipality. The rally was attended by the mayor of TipoTipo, members of the Civil Society, Barangay Captains, school children and prominent people to show their commitment to peace and their demand for peaceful resolution of Basilan crisis. Many banners were painted with the slogans like “No to war, Yes to Peace”, “Peace is the only solution”. The national media covered the peace rally and a short interview was given to media because of their insistence on knowing NP’s presence at the rally. In the brief interview, the Project Director explained the reason of NP’s presence in Basilan and shared the NP mandate. Later in the evening, the rally was broadcasted on national TV news and NP was prominently featured in the bulletin. The CSOs and Ceasefire Mechanism structure appreciated NP international conscious presence in Basilan during the height of crisis.

Central Mindanao Team
Aleksandra Basa, ICP from Sulu team joined NP Central Mindanao Team for 1 week to support their work.
Central Mindanao team has regularly visited the barangays Ganta and Bakat after an armed incident that happened there, and maintained conscious presence in the affected areas. The team supported the initiatives of local peace advocates and along with them met community representatives, evacuees, local government units, and ground commanders of armed groups.

The team continued with prerequisite work to set up NP field office in Dapiawan, and in coordination with NP Main office secured approval from the mayor of Datu Saudi Municipality and GRP – MILF CCCH. It held series of meetings with communities within the vicinity of field site location to boost social legitimacy, confidence and trust. The team kept the Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Post in Kitango – Datu Saudi Municipality fully abreast of its activities and sought their assistance to develop relation with armed groups on the ground. NP team had several meetings with MILF and AFP ground commanders with the assistance of NP partner organizations to share NP mandate and establish direct communication links. NP team consolidated working relationships with local partners and their offshoot local monitoring groups on the ground and analysed Dapiawaan’s socio political dynamics and its recent history of violence.

Guatemala

General situation
Human Rights Defenders Report: NP’s partner organisation La Unidad released its preliminary report on the first 6 months of 2007. The report indicates that attacks on human rights defenders continue to go down from a high in January. However, as compared with 2006 the numbers are somewhat higher. By the end of June of 2007 there had been 136 attacks. By this time in 2006 there were 121. La Unidad categorizes human rights activists as economic, social, community activists, as civil/political, and as other. Those in the first category have been the hardest hit. Most of the attacks are telephone or email threats, but there have been four assassinations of human rights activists since the beginning of the year. By far the majority of the attacks occur in the Guatemala City metropolitan area.

The International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG): Human Rights defenders have for years been promoting a law that would shine some light on the clandestine armed groups that operate with impunity. In 2004, the Guatemalan Government established an agreement with the United Nations that would help address the weaknesses in the system that have allowed organized crime, drug traffickers and corruption to infiltrate state agencies. The original version in 2006 was declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court of Guatemala. A new agreement was signed in December 2006, which was meant to correct the problems. It is considered much weaker, yet it has still had a very difficult journey through the Congressional process. Supporters have limited expectations, but believe that if this can’t pass it will be difficult to make progress in the fight against impunity.

The CICIG, according to the proposed law, will not investigate crimes against humanity during the years of armed conflict. Politicians such as Congressmen, political party leaders, or candidates for public office will be immune from investigation. It will, however, bring to light the identities of the illegal groups and parallel structures, their sources of financing and their ties with agents within the government. It will work with the government to undertake investigations, dismantle the groups, and move forward legal sanctions for the crimes they have committed. The inquiries, under the consultation of international consultants, experts in criminal investigations of this type, will focus on the national police, the immigration service and the penal system.

There has been significant international pressure on the government to pass this law. Implementation will depend on voluntary international funding. The U.S. has weighed in with an offer of $3 million to encourage passage. U.S. Senator Leahy threatened to work to maintain the U.S. arms embargo if it’s not approved. The European Union has passed resolutions and applied pressure. The Guatemalan press has provided continuous coverage of the process, quoted many human rights activists and allowed significant editorial space on the subject. In spite of this pressure, the CICIG has faltered numerous times.

Undoubtedly the protection of immunity for politicians, which is guaranteed in the law, has helped with passage. In addition, the internal pressure of human rights activists, a few courageous and untainted government officials, and the press, combined with the international pressure from the U.N., the European Union, the U.S. and the Organization of American States, has helped overcome the inertia. The pressure that has been building over the years is finally arriving at the point where it can be a political embarrassment NOT to support the CICIG; a virtual confession of ones association with criminal elements. Major political parties, although highly suspect for their links with organized crime, have still taken a public stand in favor of CICIG.

Notwithstanding these pressures, opposition from the party of Rios Montt (FRG) has remained steady. It challenged the Constitutional Court’s decision to allow this second version to be sent to Congress and has managed to use procedural maneuvers to block its progress.

For the government to acknowledge infiltration by organized crime is a delicate process, even more so to accept the need and responsibility to act to eliminate this infiltration. Though the illegal entities are referred to as “parallel structures”, they obviously influence the functions of government at many levels. Many of the bodies and actual persons involved in organized crime are known. The challenge is for government leaders, some of whom are subject to the influence of these elements, to demonstrate the will, leadership, and courage to purge persons who operate without scruples.

August 1 up-date: To the surprise of almost everyone, the law to create the CICIG was passed in the Guatemalan Congress on August 1. One press report called it a “perfect storm”; a rare occurrence in which the conditions came together at the last minute to take the vote count to exactly the number required for passage.

This is a major breakthrough, but it is only a first step, which must be followed by additional laws including funding for certain Guatemalan agencies that will be part of the investigations. Human rights activists are jubilant about the passage of CICIG, but are clear that it’s not a panacea.

Electoral Violence: Thus far in 2007, the number of assassinations of politicians and party activists has risen to 38. (There were 29 in the entire last election year, 2003.) Hardest hit has been the party of the front runner, Alvaro Colóm of the National Unit of Hope, which has lost 17 politicians and leaders including two Deputies of Congress. This aggression may not necessarily be coming from rival parties, however. According to a report by the Central American Institute of Political Studies (Incep), operatives of organized crime have infiltrated the parties at the highest levels and they have little tolerance for those who do not support their interests. The assassinations may originate from within in order to make space for others of their choosing.

Organized Crime and Trafficking in Human Beings: Guatemala is one of the easiest places in the world for adopting children, partly because there are serious problems with the process. Credible reports of abuses, including the kidnapping of children, have led to pressure from the U.N. to halt the adoptions until controls can be instituted, including the prohibition of high fees for adoptions. Abductions of children and one highly publicized case of the murder of a nine-year old girl have fueled outrage and violence in some rural communities. Mobs of vigilantes have lynched suspected child kidnappers. Some violence has been directed at police agents and government officials in the belief that they are complicit with those who traffic in human beings.

The work of the team
Evaluation and Widening of Mandate: In June the team, together with Rapid Response Coordinator David Hartsough, conducted an evaluation with the staff of La Unidad using unstructured interviews. A summary of this has been circulated in English and Spanish. The evaluation, which was very positive about our accompaniment, helped the team get a clearer perspective on our role as accompaniers, on the security risk as it is perceived by the staff, and on their expectations for us in case of an emergency. Especially appreciated by La Unidad was the accompaniment to take testimonies, attend meetings in town, and when traveling outside the city. The evaluation also mentioned feeling some concern about the underutilization of the volunteers during the hours when they work in the office.

This process also propelled the team to undertake our own risk analysis and consider the use of our volunteers. We did not want to reduce the size of the team at this time due to the possibility that threats against La Unidad could increase calling for more intensive accompaniment. In July, we addressed the IGC Executive Committee with a request to widen the mandate and allow the team to accompany other groups on a short term basis with the understanding that it be made clear we are not available for long term commitments. This proposal was approved with a caution to avoid any accompaniment relationship that might create a dependency.

That La Unidad is in a much better security position, we believe is cause for celebration. We are extremely grateful for this current situation as this is what we all hoped for, fundraised for, and responded rapidly for. Nevertheless, we will remain vigilant for any changes in the situation.

The team has communicated to the other accompaniment groups that we have some flexibility for short term service if they want to make referrals. In August the team will consider requests for limited accompaniment assistance with other groups.

Travel: The community of Los Cimientos (reported on in June) and their supporters continue to look for options to resolve the situation of insecurity and intimidation that caused them to flee their homes in May. NP has accompanied La Unidad to coordination meetings with other organizations and agencies supporting a safe return and also traveled to the village with La Unidad staff and directors of the Human Rights Ombudsman’s office. There they interviewed villagers and examined some of the abandoned homes. Negotiations continue with government authorities about how to secure the safe return and livelihood of the 40 displaced families.

Unidad worker Claudia Samayoa is delivering a series of workshops to help other organizations develop their own risk analysis. In addition to workshops in and near the capital, this has taken her and NP volunteers to the distance city of Huehuetenango and the departmental capital of Coban.

Public Relations: Project Director Betsy Crites attended the meeting of the Human Rights Commission of the Forum of International Non-Governmental Organizations to which NP has been invited as a participating member. The commission is organizing a seminar on human rights, indigenous rights, women’s rights and the press within the electoral context. She also attended a day-long conference organized by Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemala and gave presentation about the work of NP internationally and in Guatemala.

Colombia

Project Preparation
In July, Fundraising consultant René Perea has continued his meetings with potential donors in Bogotá. One concrete proposal that is focussing on a team in Meta, working with the Civipaz community there, has been handed in to the Belgian government.

Uganda

General situation
The peace process with the talks between the Ugandan government and LRA seems to be on track. About 30 percent of the IDP population has moved from IDP camps to return sites and even 5 percent of them have gone back to their villages in Gulu district alone. According to UNHCR, about 55,000 IDPs have returned to their villages in Acholi, in addition to 431,000 who have gone back home to the Lango sub-region. Of those still in camps in Acholi, 359,000 people had by June moved to new sites, leaving 698,000 in former camps, compared with only 35,000 in camps in Lango by June.

The government has put in place an elaborate document dubbed Peace, Recovery and Development Plan for northern Uganda (PRDP), which is a national strategic frame work upon which all INGO,s working in the north operates within.

Almost all LRA’s have left northern Uganda and are converged in assembly points in Garamba forest in DRC and Rugkwamba in Sudan. On July 15, 07, the Chief of Defence Forces announced that ‘There had been no LRA soldier or activity for one whole year in Northern Uganda. There are no more ambushes on the Nimule-Juba road.’

Project Preparation
The two-person team has been very busy in July to meet with local and international groups in Uganda, both in Kampala and in the Gulu, Amuru, Kitgum and Pader Districts.

What they have found so far, after about half of their projected stay in the area, is that there is a need for a NP project in Northern Uganda provided NP would be able to raise the resources needed quickly enough. The ground at the moment is conducive to begin a civilian peacekeeping project in Uganda. Given the fact that the peace process is taking place in Juba in southern Sudan, the government of Uganda has requested development partners in the north to shift operations from emergency to recovery and reconstruction in terms of intervention.

• As many INGO’s are overwhelmed with hard ware aspect of recovery and reconstruction, there exist a gap of soft aspect of the same. There is a need to move with IDP population to return sites and even to their villages./li>
• NPs niche to work and live in close proximity with vulnerable communities would make NP come in with an added value in northern Uganda. NP working especially in districts with less INGOs presence (with international staff on the ground) would validate NP’s unique intervention strategy in civilian peacekeeping.

Potential activities to start with in Northern Uganda

• Facilitating communal dialogues and mediation by supporting local structures to help address land wrangles, reintegrating returnees given amnesty by government. This can be achieved by working with local council of elders, local government agents and local partners. This would go along way to build relationship and improve trust among community members.
• Accompany returning IDP population to their original homes for a “go and see visit” before they can make a voluntary decision to return home. The target would be those IDP population that are traumatized and are afraid to go back. This activity will be for confidence building and can offer some psychological preparation to individuals to start reconnecting with their homes areas mirroring that cosmic vision of their native place.
• Monitoring of return trends and identifying gaps as many INGOs are unable to reach to remote and furthest return villages due to over stretched resources or due to negligence of those areas due to unpleasant terrain and distance. NP’s niche has been to work among those people who have been not reached with resources by bringing their case on the table and linking them with resources.

Written by: Marcel Smits, Atif Hameed, Betsy Crites, Oloo Otieno/ Shall Sinha and Christine Schweitzer, 15 August 2007

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